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是Facebook让我们更孤独吗？
原作者：STEPHEN MARCHE
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是Facebook让我们更孤独吗？
社会媒体-从FACEBOOK到TWITTER-让我们比以往都更专注于网络。对于这些联接，新研究发现我们从未像现在这么孤独（或是自恋）-而且这种孤独时肉体和精神上双方面的。本报告将说明孤独症对于我们的内心和社会的影响。
Social media—from Facebook to Twitter—have made us more densely networked than ever. Yet for all this connectivity, new research suggests that we have never been lonelier (or more narcissistic)—and that this loneliness is making us mentally and physically ill. A report on what the epidemic of loneliness is doing to our souls and our society.By STEPHEN MARCHE&Social media—from Facebook to Twitter—have made us more densely networked than ever. Yet for all this connectivity, new research suggests that we have never been lonelier (or more narcissistic)—and that this loneliness is making us mentally and physically ill. A report on what the epidemic of loneliness is doing to our souls and our society.&&社会媒体-从FACEBOOK到TWITTER-让我们比以往都更专注于网络。对于这些联接，新研究发现我们从未像现在这么孤独（或是自恋）-而且这种孤独时肉体和精神上双方面的。本报告将说明孤独症对于我们的内心和社会的影响。By STEPHEN MARCHE&By STEPHEN MARCHEPhillip Toledano&Phillip ToledanoYVETTE VICKERS, A FORMER Playboy playmate and B-movie star, best known for her role inAttack of the 50 Foot Woman, would have been 83 last August, but nobody knows exactly how old she was when she died. According to the Los Angeles coroner’s report, she lay dead for the better part of a year before a neighbor and fellow actress, a woman named Susan Savage, noticed cobwebs and yellowing letters in her mailbox, reached through a broken window to unlock the door, and pushed her way through the piles of junk mail and mounds of clothing that barricaded the house. Upstairs, she found Vickers’s body, mummified, near a heater that was still running. Her computer was on too, its glow permeating the empty space.&YVETTE VICKERS, 一个花花公子玩伴和三级片演员，最知名的角色是在“50个赤脚女人的进攻”，去年8月的时候，她应该有83岁了，但是没有人知道，实际上她死的时候是多少岁。按照验洛杉矶验尸官报告，称她死了有一年了，由于她的邻居，一个配角女演员，名叫Susan Savage，见到邮箱满是蜘蛛网和发黄的信件，从破碎的玻璃窗，想办法打开门，门口堆满了像山一样高的促销邮件和各种服饰。走上楼梯，看到了 Vickers的尸体，已经变成了木乃伊，不远处加热器还在工作。她的电脑还在联机，在空旷的房间内闪着诡异的光。The Los Angeles Times posted a story headlined “Mummified Body of Former Playboy Playmate Yvette Vickers Found in Her Benedict Canyon Home,” which quickly went viral. Within two weeks, by Technorati’s count, Vickers’s lonesome death was already the subject of 16,057 Facebook posts and 881 tweets. She had long been a horror-movie icon, a symbol of Hollywood’s capacity to exploit our most basic fears
now she was an icon of a new and different kind of horror: our growing fear of loneliness. Certainly she received much more attention in death than she did in the final years of her life. With no children, no religious group, and no immediate social circle of any kind, she had begun, as an elderly woman, to look elsewhere for companionship. Savage later told Los Angeles magazine that she had searched Vickers’s phone bills for clues about the life that led to such an end. In the months before her grotesque death, Vickers had made calls not to friends or family but to distant fans who had found her through fan conventions and Internet sites.&洛杉矶时报头版“在本尼迪克特，前花花公子玩伴Yvette Vickers 家里发现了她的木乃伊尸体，”一时间，消息广为传播。2周之内，按照搜索引擎统计，关于Vickers之孤独终老的话题吸引了16,057 名Facebook 和 881名tweets网友的关注。这个曾经拍恐怖片的演员，曾经作为好莱坞的用尽一切烂招来激发终极恐惧的代言人；现在她成为另一种恐惧的代言人：孤独感代言人。她死后得到的关注远比她的余生得到的关注多得多。没有孩子，没有宗教信仰，没有任何方面的社交圈，她，作为一个老人，通过其它的途径寻找伙伴。Savage透露给洛杉矶杂志社，她查过Vickers的电话账单，以便可以查出她的死因。在她奇异死亡的前一个月，和她通话的不是她的家人，不是她的朋友，而是通过影迷团和因特网认识的粉丝。Also see:Live Chat With Stephen MarcheThe author will be online at 3 p.m. Eastern time on Monday, April 16, to answer readers' questions. Click the link above for details.&最后的电脑节目停在了：和作家Stephen Marche的聊天，当时的时间是下午3点，东部时区，周一，4月16日，是回答读者的问题。并点击到了查看详细内容的地方。Vickers’s web of connections had grown broader but shallower, as has happened for many of us. We are living in an isolation that would have been unimaginable to our ancestors, and yet we have never been more accessible. Over the past three decades, technology has delivered to us a world in which we need not be out of contact for a fraction of a moment. In 2010, at a cost of $300 million, 800 miles of fiber-optic cable was laid between the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the New York Stock Exchange to shave three milliseconds off trading times. Yet within this world of instant and absolute communication, unbounded by limits of time or space, we suffer from unprecedented alienation. We have never been more detached from one another, or lonelier. In a world consumed by ever more novel modes of socializing, we have less and less actual society. We live in an accelerating contradiction: the more connected we become, the lonelier we are. We were promi instead we inhabit the drab cul-de-sacs and endless freeways of a vast suburb of information.Vickers&的网络连接范围很广泛但是很粗浅，和其它人的一样。住在一个史无前例如此隔绝的世界里，没有比现在更孤独的了。在过去的30年时间，先进的科技实现了无需外出就可以得到整个世界。2010年，出资三百万美元，在芝加哥商业交易所和纽约股份交易所铺设了800里的光缆。是的，在这个世界里，可以和千里以外的人沟通，不受时间和地域的限制，但是无尽无休的孤独却滚滚而来。从未像今天这样远离人群，从未如此孤单。在一个满是小说里描述的社交形式的世界里，实际上社交时间越来越少。越来越矛盾：上网时间越多，就越孤单。期望着有个地球村；但实际上却踏上了无尽无休信息库这条不归路。At the forefront of all this unexpectedly lonely interactivity is Facebook, with 845 million users and $3.7 billion in revenue last year. The company hopes to raise $5 billion in an initial public offering later this spring, which will make it by far the largest Internet IPO in history. Some recent estimates put the company’s potential value at $100 billion, which would make it larger than the global coffee industry—one addiction preparing to surpass the other. Facebook’s scale and reach are hard to comprehend: last summer, Facebook became, by some counts, the first Web site to receive 1 trillion page views in a month. In the last three months of 2011, users generated an average of 2.7 billion “likes” and comments every day. On whatever scale you care to judge Facebook—as a company, as a culture, as a country—it is vast beyond imagination.而造成这个无法预计的孤独情况的前端就是Facebook, 去年注册用户有8.45亿人，年收入37亿美元。该公司希望能于本年春季筹资50亿美元上市，它是迄今为止历史上最大的网络初始股票。一些评论家估计该公司的市值约为1000亿左右，届时，它将超过世界咖啡产业，比咖啡更让人流连往返。Facebook, 规模和取得的成就无与伦比：去年夏天，据相关统计，它成为世界上最大的网站，月点击量为1万亿。2011年第四季度，每天评论和喜欢它的用户达到了27亿人之多。Facebook可以是一个公司，一种文化或是一个国家---无论如何界定，它都远远超乎想象。Despite its immense popularity, or more likely because of it, Facebook has, from the beginning, been under something of a cloud of suspicion. The depiction of Mark Zuckerberg, in The Social Network, as a bastard with symptoms of Asperger’s syndrome, was nonsense. But it felt true. It felt true to Facebook, if not to Zuckerberg. The film’s most indelible scene, the one that may well have earned it an Oscar, was the final, silent shot of an anomic Zuckerberg sending out a friend request to his ex-girlfriend, then waiting and clicking and waiting and clicking—a moment of superconnected loneliness preserved in amber. We have all been in that scene: transfixed by the glare of a screen, hungering for response.&除了广受赞誉外，Facebook还从一开始就受到质疑。Mark Zuckerberg在互联网上的描述，也许作为一个有Asperger综合征的私生子，让人觉得没有信服力。但是那种感觉是真实的。对于Facebook，如果不是Mark Zuckerberg，感觉是真实的。电影最难忘的镜头，也许会获奥斯卡奖，结局的时候，无声镜头里，Zuckerberg向他的前女友发出和好信，发一封，等一会，再发一封，又等一会，之后又发，反反复复，就像定格在琥珀中的孤独。这样的场景也许并不陌生：盯著闪烁的屏幕，盼望回复。When you sign up for Google+ and set up your Friends circle, the program specifies that you should include only “your real friends, the ones you feel comfortable sharing private details with.” That one little phrase, Your real friends—so quaint, so charmingly mothering—perfectly encapsulates the anxieties that social media have produced: the fears that Facebook is interfering with our real friendships, distancing us from each other, and that social networking might be spreading the very isolation it seemed designed to conquer.注册 Google并设置朋友圈的同时，系统显示请添加你的“真正的朋友，来分享你自己的私人信息。”那句短语，“真正的朋友”---如此熟悉，如此吸引人---完美的概况了这个社会媒介制造的焦虑浓缩在一点：实际上，Facebook正在打扰您的真正的朋友，因为它使您和他们隔着一层厚障壁，让人孤单；而且这个网络的传播只会让人更孤独，而设计本意是彻底占领。FACEBOOK ARRIVED IN THE MIDDLE of a dramatic increase in the quantity and intensity of human loneliness, a rise that initially made the site’s promise of greater connection seem deeply attractive. Americans are more solitary than ever before. In 1950, less than 10 percent of American households contained only one person. By 2010, nearly 27 percent of households had just one person. Solitary living does not guarantee a life of unhappiness, of course. In his recent book about the trend toward living alone, Eric Klinenberg, a sociologist at NYU, writes: “Reams of published research show that it’s the quality, not the quantity of social interaction, that best predicts loneliness.” True. But before we begin the fantasies of happily eccentric singledom, of divorcées dropping by their knitting circles after work for glasses of Drew Barrymore pinot grigio, or recent college graduates with perfectly articulated, Steampunk-themed, 300-square-foot apartments organizing croquet matches with their book clubs, we should recognize that it is not just isolation that is rising sharply. It’s loneliness, too. And loneliness makes us miserable.&Facebook是造成人类孤独感飙升的主要原因，一方面，保证大量的连接的原始初衷更增加该网站的卖点。美国人正面临前所未有的隔绝。1950年，10%的美国家庭家里才有一个人。到了2010年，近于27%的美国家庭里只有一个人。当然，与世隔绝不一定就代表不幸福。在新书中，Eric Klinenberg，作为一个社会学者，就职于纽约大学，他写道：“无数的研究调查显示由于生活质量提高而不是社交活动减少造成了人们日益孤独。”是的。可是，在开始享受古怪的单身主义，或一起做编织工作的伙伴完成给德鲁.巴尔的摩加州葡萄的眼镜后来探望她这个离婚女人，或是近来大学毕业生的精彩描述，蒸汽朋克主题，300平方英尺单元用他们的书籍布置厂曲棍球赛，时刻提醒着不仅仅是在远离人群。而是孤独感在渐渐降临。这种孤独感容易使人彻底的绝望。We know intuitively that loneliness and being alone are not the same thing. Solitude can be lovely. Crowded parties can be agony. We also know, thanks to a growing body of research on the topic, that loneliness is not a matter of it is a psychological state. A 2005 analysis of data from a longitudinal study of Dutch twins showed that the tendency toward loneliness has roughly the same genetic component as other psychological problems such as neuroticism or anxiety.孤独不代表寂寞。一个人独处也很不错。即使被大家包围也可能感到孤独。同时，受益于对这一话题研究的不断发展，孤独感不是由于外界因素引起的，而是心理学范畴。2005年数据分析，通过长期对荷兰双胞胎的研究，显示孤独感和基因有关，同精神病和焦虑症类似。Still, loneliness is slippery, a difficult state to define or diagnose. The best tool yet developed for measuring the condition is the UCLA Loneliness Scale, a series of 20 questions that all begin with this formulation: “How often do you feel …?” As in: “How often do you feel that you are ‘in tune’ with the people around you?” And: “How often do you feel that you lack companionship?” Measuring the condition in these terms, various studies have shown loneliness rising drastically over a very short period of recent history. A 2010 AARP survey found that 35 percent of adults older than 45 were chronically lonely, as opposed to 20 percent of a similar group only a decade earlier. According to a major study by a leading scholar of the subject, roughly 20 percent of Americans—about 60 million people—are unhappy with their lives because of loneliness. Across the Western world, physicians and nurses have begun to speak openly of an epidemic of loneliness.&现在仍然无法界定孤独。最好的是采用加州大学洛杉矶分校的孤独定义测量表，一系列约有20个问题都是一个这样的模式开始：“多长时间一次，你会感觉...?”比如“如果周围一直有人，你多长时间一次会感觉到孤独？”和“多长时间一次你会觉得没有伙伴？”按照这种模式的测试，不同的研究显示出孤独激增是在短短这10年间。2010年美国退休协会研究发现35%的超过45岁的老年人孤单一人，而10年前，仅有20%的人有这种感觉。按照该项目的首席学者的研究，约20%的美国人，大约有6千万人次，由于孤独而不开心。整个西方国家，医生和护士都在公开探讨孤独症。The new studies on loneliness are beginning to yield some surprising preliminary findings about its mechanisms. Almost every factor that one might assume affects loneliness does so only some of the time, and only under certain circumstances. People who are married are less lonely than single people, one journal article suggests, but only if their spouses are confidants. If one’s spouse is not a confidant, marriage may not decrease loneliness. A belief in God might help, or it might not, as a 1990 German study comparing levels of religious feeling and levels of loneliness discovered. Active believers who saw God as abstract and helpful rather than as a wrathful, immediate presence were less lonely. “The mere belief in God,” the researchers concluded, “was relatively independent of loneliness.”&对于孤独的新研究开始揭开了孤独的惊人的原始机理。几乎各种诱因都有可能造成孤独，只是时间或是条件的问题。结婚的人比单身的人好些，有一篇专题文章指出，但是仅限于双方都很有信心。如果有一方信心不足，婚姻不会减少孤独。相信上帝也许有效，或这没有影响，根据1990年代对德国宗教信仰和孤独水平的调查。相信上帝是吸引人的有益的比相信上帝是愤怒的短期存在的好些。“对上帝的信仰，”专家指出，“和孤独是相对独立的。”But it is clear that social interaction matters. Loneliness and being alone are not the same thing, but both are on the rise. We meet fewer people. We gather less. And when we gather, our bonds are less meaningful and less easy. The decrease in confidants—that is, in quality social connections—has been dramatic over the past 25 years. In one survey, the mean size of networks of personal confidants decreased from 2.94 people in 1985 to 2.08 in 2004. Similarly, in 1985, only 10 percent of Americans said they had no one with whom to discuss important matters, and 15 percent said they had only one such good friend. By 2004, 25 percent had nobody to talk to, and 20 percent had only one confidant.&但是，很明显这是社会互动问题。孤独和孤单不同，但是这两种情况现在都在增长。见人少了。聚会少了。当聚在一起时，团体缺乏意义性，或是有可能另有目的。有效地社会沟通朋友的降低的情况，在这25年间愈演愈烈。在调查中，个人信任圈从1985年的2.94人到2004年的2.08人。同样的，1985年仅仅有10%的美国人说没有人可以商量重要的事情，15%的人说只有一个好朋友可以商量。但到了2004年，25%的人说没有人可以谈话，20%的人仅仅有一个朋友。In the face of this social disintegration, we have essentially hired an army of replacement confidants, an entire class of professional carers. As Ronald Dworkin pointed out in a 2010 paper for the Hoover Institution, in the late ’40s, the United States was home to 2,500 clinical psychologists, 30,000 social workers, and fewer than 500 marriage and family therapists. As of 2010, the country had 77,000 clinical psychologists, 192,000 clinical social workers, 400,000 nonclinical social workers, 50,000 marriage and family therapists, 105,000 mental-health counselors, 220,000 substance-abuse counselors, 17,000 nurse psychotherapists, and 30,000 life coaches. The majority of patients in therapy do not warrant a psychiatric diagnosis. This raft of psychic servants is helping us through what used to be called regular problems. We have outsourced the work of everyday caring.&面对社会的瓦解，实质上雇佣了一批人替代朋友，一个团队都是专业治疗工作者。Ronald Dworkin 在2010年胡佛研究所的调查内指出，在40年代末，美国有2500名临床心理医生，3万名社会工作者，很少一部分婚姻和家庭治疗专家。而到了2010年，美国有7.7万个临床医生，19.2万社会临床工作者，40万非临床社会工作者，5万婚姻家庭治疗专家，10.5万心理健康辅导员，22万滥用药物辅导员，1.7万护士心理治疗师和3万生活辅导员。大多数病人都和精神病诊断有关。大批专业服务人员忙于过去的常规问题。日常的关怀也被外包了。We need professional carers more and more, because the threat of societal breakdown, once principally a matter of nostalgic lament, has morphed into an issue of public health. Being lonely is extremely bad for your health. If you’re lonely, you’re more likely to be put in a geriatric home at an earlier age than a similar person who isn’t lonely. You’re less likely to exercise. You’re more likely to be obese. You’re less likely to survive a serious operation and more likely to have hormonal imbalances. You are at greater risk of inflammation. Your memory may be worse. You are more likely to be depressed, to sleep badly, and to suffer dementia and general cognitive decline. Loneliness may not have killed Yvette Vickers, but it has been linked to a greater probability of having the kind of heart condition that did kill her.&越来越需要专业的治疗，由于社会结构的崩溃，一旦意识上有悲伤的信息，将会广泛的影响公共健康。孤单非常影响健康。一个人，和其他不孤独的人比，就好像是在年轻时就走进了养老院。不喜欢运动，变动的越来越胖，甚至会沮丧，失眠，痴呆或是认知功能衰退。也许孤独不至于杀死Yvette Vickers，但是很可能让她心脏产生疾病，这个疾病足以致命。And yet, despite its deleterious effect on health, loneliness is one of the first things ordinary Americans spend their money achieving. With money, you flee the cramped city to a house in the suburbs or, if you can afford it, a McMansion in the exurbs, inevitably spending more time in your car. Loneliness is at the American core, a by-product of a long-standing national appetite for independence: The Pilgrims who left Europe willingly abandoned the bonds and strictures of a society that could not accept their right to be different. They did not seek out loneliness, but they accepted it as the price of their autonomy. The cowboys who set off to explore a seemingly endless frontier likewise traded away personal ties in favor of pride and self-respect. The ultimate American icon is the astronaut: Who is more heroic, or more alone? The price of self-determination and self-reliance has often been loneliness. But Americans have always been willing to pay that price.&当然，除了健康的负面影响，孤单现在已经是美国人日常的第一开销。带着钱，逃到一个城市住房或是如果能承担的起，买一个郊区的豪宅，当然无可避免在车上花的时间就长了。孤独是美国的核心问题，是美国长期信仰的独立主义精神的副产品：清教徒自愿离开欧洲，放弃团体，责难社会，他们始终不承认权利有差别。不是寻找孤独，但是接受自治。牛仔出发去寻找一个无限的自主权和自立能力，而这些实际上都带来了孤独。但美国人似乎愿意支付这个代价。Today, the one common feature in American secular culture is its celebration of the self that breaks away from the constrictions of the family and the state, and, in its greatest expressions, from all limits entirely. The great American poem is Whitman’s “Song of Myself.” The great American essay is Emerson’s “Self-Reliance.” The great American novel is Melville’s Moby-Dick, the tale of a man on a quest so lonely that it is incomprehensible to those around him. American culture, high and low, is about self-expression and personal authenticity. Franklin Delano Roosevelt called individualism “the great watchword of American life.”&今天，美国共性就是歌颂个人，脱离家庭和社会的构建，而且，最显著的理念，全部的条款都是如此。伟大的美国诗人惠特曼“自我之歌”。伟大的美国文章是艾默生“自力更生。”伟大的美国小说是梅尔维尔的“大白鲸”，讲述的是一个人孤独的寻求自己，对周围的一切无法理解。美国文化，高的和低的，都是关于自我表达和个人的真实性。Franklin Delano Roosevelt呼唤个人主义“最伟大的美国生命口号。” & & & & & & &Self-invention is only half of the American story, however. The drive for isolation has always been in tension with the impulse to cluster in communities that cling and suffocate. The Pilgrims, while fomenting spiritual rebellion, also enforced ferocious cohesion. The Salem witch trials, in hindsight, read like attempts to impose solidarity—as do the McCarthy hearings. The history of the United States is like the famous parable of the porcupines in the cold, from Schopenhauer’s Studies in Pessimism—the ones who huddle together for warmth and shuffle away in pain, always separating and congregating.&自我创造是美国故事的一半。让人们与世隔绝总是和推翻群众坚信和固守的信念紧密相连。清教徒一方面孤立精神反叛，另一方面有煽动血腥的联合。萨勒姆审巫案，回想起来，更像是在煽动团结---如 McCarthy 听到的那样。美国的历史像是一个著名的寒冷冬天的豪猪的寓言，从叔本华的悲观主义研究-他坚信挤在一起的人可以取暖，另一方面也能相互伤害，总是在独行和聚众之间徘徊。We are now in the middle of a long period of shuffling away. In his 2000 book Bowling Alone, Robert D. Putnam attributed the dramatic post-war decline of social capital—the strength and value of interpersonal networks—to numerous interconnected trends in American life: suburban sprawl, television’s dominance over culture, the self-absorption of the Baby Boomers, the disintegration of the traditional family. The trends he observed continued through the prosperity of the aughts, and have only become more pronounced with time: the rate of union membership declined in 2011, the Masons and the Elks continued their slide into irrelevance. We are lonely because we want to be lonely. We have made ourselves lonely.现在就是处在一个相互逃离的时期。在他的第2000本书中， Robert D. Putnam 提出了资本主义社会戏剧性的后战争萧条---人际交往圈的强度和价值---对美国的日常生活影响深远：郊区蔓延，电视文化成为主要文化，专心致志于经济困难的一代人和传统家庭的瓦解。他描述的情形没有受到财富的影响，而是随着时间的推移越来越明显：工会会员比率在2011年再次减少；但是看电视的时间一直在增加；共济会和产权相关证券一直在逃避责任。孤独由于我们想要孤独。还要制造孤独。The question of the future is this: Is Facebook part of the separating or part is it a huddling-together for warmth or a shuffling-away in pain?&未来的问题就是：Facebook是让人与世隔绝还是紧紧联系；是挤在一起取暖还是带着伤痛离开？WELL BEFORE FACEBOOK, digital technology was enabling our tendency for isolation, to an unprecedented degree. Back in the 1990s, scholars started calling the contradiction between an increased opportunity to connect and a lack of human contact the “Internet paradox.” A prominent 1998 article on the phenomenon by a team of researchers at Carnegie Mellon showed that increased Internet usage was already coinciding with increased loneliness. Critics of the study pointed out that the two groups that participated in the study—high-school journalism students who were heading to university and socially active members of community-development boards—were statistically likely to become lonelier over time. Which brings us to a more fundamental question: Does the Internet make people lonely, or are lonely people more attracted to the Internet?&无法预计，在Facebook之前，数字科技已经让人习惯了与世隔绝。在1990年代，学者们开始呼吁在增加机会接触和缺少因特网间人际接触之间的矛盾。著名的1998年文章，是在卡内基梅隆大学的研究小组的现象展示了使用网络的增加必将导致孤独感的增加。研究的批评家指出这两组人参与研究---高效记者同学前往大学和社会活动团体活动板据统计，久而久之愈来愈孤独。又回到了问题的本质：是因特网造成人们孤单还是孤单的人被因特网吸引呢？The question has intensified in the Facebook era. A recent study out of Australia (where close to half the population is active on Facebook), titled “Who Uses Facebook?,” found a complex and sometimes confounding relationship between loneliness and social networking. Facebook users had slightly lower levels of “social loneliness”—the sense of not feeling bonded with friends—but “significantly higher levels of family loneliness”—the sense of not feeling bonded with family. It may be that Facebook encourages more contact with people outside of our household, at the expense of our family relationships—or it may be that people who have unhappy family relationships in the first place seek companionship through other means, including Facebook. The researchers also found that lonely people are inclined to spend more time on Facebook: “One of the most noteworthy findings,” they wrote, “was the tendency for neurotic and lonely individuals to spend greater amounts of time on Facebook per day than non-lonely individuals.” And they found that neurotics are more likely to prefer to use the wall, while extroverts tend to use chat features in addition to the wall.&在Facebook时代，问题已经恶化。一个来自澳大利亚的研究（该国家有一般的人上Facebook），标题“谁在用Facebook？”，支出类一个复杂的且易于混淆的关于孤独和社会网之间的关系。的使用者有轻度水平的“社会孤独症”---感到自己没有朋友---但是“有家庭孤独感”---把家人维系在一起的感觉。也许是Facebook鼓励我们和家庭以外的人沟通，而忽略了和家庭成员的沟通---或是某些家庭关系不好的人到外面寻找安慰---其中之一就是Facebook。研究人还发现孤独的人多数都爱花时间在Facebook：“最值得注意的发现，”他们写到，"是神经病和孤独个体的趋向于华更多的时间在Facebook上比不孤独的个人时间更长。"且他们发现精神病患者跟喜欢对着墙壁，而外向的人除了对着墙壁外，更喜欢聊天。Moira Burke, until recently a graduate student at the Human-Computer Institute at Carnegie Mellon, used to run a longitudinal study of 1,200 Facebook users. That study, which is ongoing, is one of the first to step outside the realm of self-selected college students and examine the effects of Facebook on a broader population, over time. She concludes that the effect of Facebook depends on what you bring to it. Just as your mother said: you get out only what you put in. If you use Facebook to communicate directly with other individuals—by using the “like” button, commenting on friends’ posts, and so on—it can increase your social capital. Personalized messages, or what Burke calls “composed communication,” are more satisfying than “one-click communication”—the lazy click of a like. “People who received composed communication became less lonely, while people who received one-click communication experienced no change in loneliness,” Burke tells me. So, you should inform your friend in writing how charming her son looks with Harry Potter cake smeared all over his face, and how interesting her sepia-toned photograph of that tree-framed bit of skyline is, and how cool it is that she’s at whatever concert she happens to be at. That’s what we all want to hear. Even better than sending a private Facebook message is the semi-public conversation, the kind of back-and-forth in which you half ignore the other people who may be listening in. “People whose friends write to them semi-publicly on Facebook experience decreases in loneliness,” Burke says.&Moira Burke，一名卡内梅基隆大学的人机研究学院的毕业生，使用了纵向研究方法研究了1200名Facebook 使用者。该研究，还在继续，是大学学生卖出自我选择的第一步，主要是考察Facebook 对于广大人群的影响，通过一段时间的研究，她总结道Facebook 的影响取决于你如何用它。正如母亲讲的：“种豆得豆，种瓜得瓜。如果用Facebook 直接和其它人聊天---就是使用“喜欢”按钮，对朋友的帖子进行评论，或是其它---可以提升你的社交关注度。有个性的信息或是Burke称为“集成信息”，更比“单向沟通”效果更好--那些懒人那样的单击。“收到合成信息的人不会孤单，而单向沟通的人更易感到孤独” Burke说。一次，告诉朋友她的儿子满脸都是哈利波特蛋糕，看起来好可爱，她那张背靠大树遥望地平线的照片很有趣，或是她偶然参加的那场音乐会是多么棒，这种信息往来，也许会忽略一些人，他们也可能收听到。“那些在Facebook上和朋友留言的人很少有孤独感，” Burke 说。On the other hand, non-personalized use of Facebook—scanning your friends’ status updates and updating the world on your own activities via your wall, or what Burke calls “passive consumption” and “broadcasting”—correlates to feelings of disconnectedness. It’s a lonely business, wandering the labyrinths of our friends’ and pseudo-friends’ projected identities, trying to figure out what part of ourselves we ought to project, who will listen, and what they will hear. According to Burke, passive consumption of Facebook also correlates to a marginal increase in depression. “If two women each talk to their friends the same amount of time, but one of them spends more time reading about friends on Facebook as well, the one reading tends to grow slightly more depressed,” Burke says. Her conclusion suggests that my sometimes unhappy reactions to Facebook may be more universal than I had realized. When I scroll through page after page of my friends’ descriptions of how accidentally eloquent their kids are, and how their husbands are endearingly bumbling, and how they’re all about to eat a home-cooked meal prepared with fresh local organic produce bought at the farmers’ market and then go for a jog and maybe check in at the office because they’re so busy getting ready to hop on a plane for a week of luxury dogsledding in Lapland, I do grow slightly more miserable. A lot of other people doing the same thing feel a little bit worse, too.&另一方面，不专业的使用Facebook---查看朋友的境况，并随时做好了变更自己世界的准备，Burk称为“消极信息”和“广播中”---交织着孤独感。这就是孤单的情形，在朋友的迷宫中徜徉，伪造朋友的身份，试图找出我们自己应该如何，听谁的，他们在关注什么等等。Still, Burke’s research does not support the assertion that Facebook creates loneliness. The people who experience loneliness on Facebook are lonely away from Facebook, too, on Facebook, as everywhere else, correlation is not causation. The popular kids are popular, and the lonely skulkers skulk alone. Perhaps it says something about me that I think Facebook is primarily a platform for lonely skulking. I mention to Burke the widely reported study, conducted by a Stanford graduate student, that showed how believing that others have strong social networks can lead to feelings of depression. What does Facebook communicate, if not the impression of social bounty? Everybody else looks so happy on Facebook, with so many friends, that our own social networks feel emptier than ever in comparison. Doesn’t that make people feel lonely? “If people are reading about lives that are much better than theirs, two things can happen,” Burke tells me. “They can feel worse about themselves, or they can feel motivated.”& Burke的研究不同意孤独时由Facebook造成的。在Facebook上孤独的人在不在Facebook上时也是孤独的人。Facebook和孤独不是互为因果。受欢迎的人在哪里都受欢迎，孤独的人也是一直都孤独一人。也许我能说的就是Facebook同时也为孤单的人提供了一个平台来独处。与Burke谈及广泛研究，该研究是有斯坦福特大学毕业生进行的，表明相信其他人有强大的社会关系网是一件让人很沮丧的事情。Facebook的沟通，如果不是社会的纽带吗？为什么每个人都很开心呢？0朋友多，相对而言现实社会网显得空空如也。人们会因此而孤独吗？“如果人们发现其它人比自己活得好，有两个结果，”Burke说。“一种人觉得很糟，另一种人觉得更有动力。”Burke will start working at Facebook as a data scientist this year.&Burke本年作为数据科学家开始了 Facebook 的研究工作。JOHN CACIOPPO, THE director of the Center for Cognitive and Social Neuroscience at the University of Chicago, is the world’s leading expert on loneliness. In his landmark book, Loneliness, released in 2008, he revealed just how profoundly the epidemic of loneliness is affecting the basic functions of human physiology. He found higher levels of epinephrine, the stress hormone, in the morning urine of lonely people. Loneliness burrows deep: “When we drew blood from our older adults and analyzed their white cells,” he writes, “we found that loneliness somehow penetrated the deepest recesses of the cell to alter the way genes were being expressed.” Loneliness affects not only the brain, then, but the basic process of DNA transcription. When you are lonely, your whole body is lonely.&JOHN CACIOPPO，芝加哥大学认知与社会精神系统学科研究中心所长，是研究孤独问题的学科带头人。在他的著作中，孤独，发表于2008年，揭示了孤独对人身体机能有深远的影响。他发现在孤独的人的晨尿中肾上腺素量和荷尔蒙升高。孤独的影响更多：“抽取老年人血样，分析他们的白细胞，”他说，“孤独能改写基因密码。”孤独影响的不仅是大脑，好友DNA基本的信息。如果孤身一人，你的身体也会孤独。To Cacioppo, Internet communication allows only ersatz intimacy. “Forming connections with pets or online friends or even God is a noble attempt by an obligatorily gregarious creature to satisfy a compelling need,” he writes. “But surrogates can never make up completely for the absence of the real thing.” The “real thing” being actual people, in the flesh. When I speak to Cacioppo, he is refreshingly clear on what he sees as Facebook’s effect on society. Yes, he allows, some research has suggested that the greater the number of Facebook friends a person has, the less lonely she is. But he argues that the impression this creates can be misleading. “For the most part,” he says, “people are bringing their old friends, and feelings of loneliness or connectedness, to Facebook.” The idea that a Web site could deliver a more friendly, interconnected world is bogus. The depth of one’s social network outside Facebook is what determines the depth of one’s social network within Facebook, not the other way around. Using social media doesn’t create it just transfers established networks from one platform to another. For the most part, Facebook doesn’t destroy friendships—but it doesn’t create them, either.Cacioppo，网络沟通允许造假。“为了满足强制的需要，群居的生物创造了宠物，网友或是上帝，”他说。“但是替代品无法成为正品”。正品就是真是的人，有血有肉。在和&Cacioppo聊天时，他对于Facebook对社会的影响了解十分透彻。是的，他不反对，一些研究说明在Facebook上拥有的朋友越多，人就越不孤独。他还强调这个因袭可能会让人产生误解。“大多数情况，”他说，“”人们在 Facebook上有老朋友，有孤独感并保持通话。”但是网络给人一个更友好互联的世界时虚假的。一个人在Facebook上的社交网取决于他实际生活中的社交圈，而不是其它。通过网络无法建立社交圈，仅仅是一个社交圈传递信息的平台。多数，Facebook不会摧毁社交圈，同样也不会建立社交圈。In one experiment, Cacioppo looked for a connection between the loneliness of subjects and the relative frequency of their interactions via Facebook, chat rooms, online games, dating sites, and face-to-face contact. The results were unequivocal. “The greater the proportion of face-to-face interactions, the less lonely you are,” he says. “The greater the proportion of online interactions, the lonelier you are.” Surely, I suggest to Cacioppo, this means that Facebook and the like inevitably make people lonelier. He disagrees. Facebook is merely a tool, he says, and like any tool, its effectiveness will depend on its user. “If you use Facebook to increase face-to-face contact,” he says, “it increases social capital.” So if social media let you organize a game of football among your friends, that’s healthy. If you turn to social media instead of playing football, however, that’s unhealthy.&一次实验， Cacioppo寻找Facebook，聊天室，在线游戏，约会地点和面对面沟通等不同形式相关感染者的孤独频率。结果不明朗。“面对面沟通机会越多，孤独的比率越少，”他说。“在线沟通越多，月孤独。”但是，确信的是，我建议 Cacioppo，意味着Facebook 和相关软件让人们更孤独。他不同意。 Facebook 就是个工具，他说，和其它的工具一样，是否好用取决于如何使用。“如果想用 Facebook 来提高面对面的机会，”他说“他确实增加了社会资本。”因此如果社会媒介让你组织一个由朋友构成的足球赛，那是有益的。如果你求助与社会媒介而不是你的朋友，那就是无益的。“Facebook can be terrific, if we use it properly,” Cacioppo continues. “It’s like a car. You can drive it to pick up your friends. Or you can drive alone.” But hasn’t the car increased loneliness? If cars created the suburbs, surely they also created isolation. “That’s because of how we use cars,” Cacioppo replies. “How we use these technologies can lead to more integration, rather than more isolation.”&“Facebook真的很棒，但是要使用得法，” Cacioppo 继续说道。“像是一台汽车，可以用来接送朋友，或是自驾。”但是车是否能增加孤独感呢？如果车能载人到郊区，是能增加孤独感。“是由我们如何使用汽车决定的，”Cacioppo 说，“这些高科技的东西如果使用的好能让人们更聚集而不是隔离开来。”The problem, then, is that we invite loneliness, even though it makes us miserable. The history of our use of technology is a history of isolation desired and achieved. When the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company opened its A&P stores, giving Americans self-service access to groceries, customers stopped having relationships with their grocers. When the telephone arrived, people stopped knocking on their neighbors’ doors. Social media bring this process to a much wider set of relationships. Researchers at the HP Social Computing Lab who studied the nature of people’s connections on Twitter came to a depressing, if not surprising, conclusion: “Most of the links declared within Twitter were meaningless from an interaction point of view.” I have to wonder: What other point of view is meaningful?&问题就是我们自己想要孤独，尽管感觉很不好。我们使用科技的历史实际上是我们想要隔绝和实现隔绝的过程。在亚太茶公司建立了A&P店，将美国的自助方式用到零售业，切断了消费者和供应商之间的联系。电话出现时，人们不再登门拜访。社会媒介发展的很广泛。惠普社会实验室研究等处自然人在Twitter上沟通会变得沮丧，如无意外，结论是：“在Twitter上的信息沟通都是无意义。”我就奇怪了：那还有什么是有意义的？LONELINESS IS CERTAINLY not something that Facebook or Twitter or any of the lesser forms of social media is doing to us. We are doing it to ourselves. Casting technology as some vague, impersonal spirit of history forcing our actions is a weak excuse. We make decisions about how we use our machines, not the other way around. Every time I shop at my local grocery store, I am faced with a choice. I can buy my groceries from a human being or from a machine. I always, without exception, choose the machine. It’s faster and more efficient, I tell myself, but the truth is that I prefer not having to wait with the other customers who are lined up alongside the conveyor belt: the hipster mom who disapproves of my high-carbon- the lady who tenses to the point of tears while she waits to see if the gods of the credit-card machine wi the old man whose clumsy feebleness requires a patience that I don’t possess. Much better to bypass the whole circus and just ring up the groceries myself.&孤独不绝对是有Facebook 或是 Twitter或其它社会媒介造成的。我们正在自作自受。把泛泛的无意识的科技强行用于知道我们的行为并不能成为借口。我们自己决定如何使用设备，而不是其它的问题，每一次我在附近的杂货店购物，都需要选择。我可以到售货员处购买也可以通过设备购买。我总是，无一例外，选择设备。快捷高效，我解释说，但实际是我不喜欢在付款处排长队等待：时尚妈妈对于我的高碳菠萝加以苛责；望眼欲穿的女士想要看看能都刷信用卡；老人更是需要无比的耐心来等待；而这些都是我无法容忍的。最好就是绕过这些，电话购物。Our omnipresent new technologies lure us toward increasingly superficial connections at exactly the same moment that they make avoiding the mess of human interaction easy. The beauty of Facebook, the source of its power, is that it enables us to be social while sparing us the embarrassing reality of society—the accidental revelations we make at parties, the awkward pauses, the farting and the spilled drinks and the general gaucherie of face-to-face contact. Instead, we have the lovely smoothness of a seemingly social machine. Everything’s so simple: status updates, pictures, your wall.&科技无处不在，让我们可以随意沟通，同时，实际上也阻止我们实际上的人际沟通。Facebook美丽的外表，来源广泛，一方面切断了现实社会的尴尬同时又让我们更社会化呢？远离意外会上发言，远离尴尬瞬间，远离放屁或是大量饮酒等等实际社交上遇到的尴尬。相反，我们拥有的是优雅的社会机器。每件事情都是简单：升级，图片和界面。But the price of this smooth sociability is a constant compulsion to assert one’s own happiness, one’s own fulfillment. Not only must we contend with the soc we must foster the appearance of our own social bounty. Being happy all the time, pretending to be happy, actually attempting to be happy—it’s exhausting. Last year a team of researchers led by Iris Mauss at the University of Denver published a study looking into “the paradoxical effects of valuing happiness.” Most goals in life show a direct correlation between valuation and achievement. Studies have found, for example, that students who value good grades tend to have higher grades than those who don’t value them. Happiness is an exception. The study came to a disturbing conclusion:&但是这种优雅社交的代价是个人的幸福感和成就感。我们不仅需要社会纽带和他人联系，同时牙咬发展我们的社会纽带。一直都幸福，装成幸福，实际上并不幸福---疲惫不堪。去年一组专家在丹佛大学发表了著作，关于“论幸福的价值”。人生的目的显示了价值和成就之间的关系。研究还发现，例如，想要的高分的学生比不想的人的分数更高。幸福不是意外。研究的结论让人费解：Valuing happiness is not necessarily linked to greater happiness. In fact, under certain conditions, the opposite is true. Under conditions of low (but not high) life stress, the more people valued happiness, the lower were their hedonic balance, psychological well-being, and life satisfaction, and the higher their depression symptoms.&想要幸福不一定就有幸福。事实上。早特定条件下，相反是正确的。在生活压力小时，多数人都幸福感，越不平衡，心理越不健康，生活满意度低，则越会觉得沮丧。The more you try to be happy, the less happy you are. Sophocles made roughly the same point.&越是想要快，里快乐越远。 Sophocles 观点大致如此。Facebook, of course, puts the pursuit of happiness front and center in our digital life. Its capacity to redefine our very concepts of identity and personal fulfillment is much more worrisome than the data-mining and privacy practices that have aroused anxieties about the company. Two of the most compelling critics of Facebook—neither of them a Luddite—concentrate on exactly this point. Jaron Lanier, the author of You Are Not a Gadget, was one of the inventors of virtual-reality technology. His view of where social media are taking us reads like dystopian science fiction: “I fear that we are beginning to design ourselves to suit digital models of us, and I worry about a leaching of empathy and humanity in that process.” Lanier argues that Facebook imprisons us in the business of self-presenting, and this, to his mind, is the site’s crucial and fatally unacceptable downside.&Facebook，把最求幸福感放在了数字世界的前沿和核心。从新界定我们的身份和成就比一些公司的例行资料或是私家规定更让人无法容忍。Facebook的两个反对者，他们都不是害怕或厌恶科技的人-专注于这点。Jaron Lanier，“你不是小角色”的作者，是虚拟现实科技的发明人。他对于社会媒介的认识让我们想再看科幻小说：“我害怕的是我们在让我们自己适应数字世界，而令人担心的是移情和人性。” Lanier 说Facebook让我们固步自封与自我展示，而这些，对于他而言，就是最重要最无法接受的。Sherry Turkle, a professor of computer culture at MIT who in 1995 published the digital-positive analysis Life on the Screen, is much more skeptical about the effects of online society in her 2011 book, Alone Together: “These days, insecure in our relationships and anxious about intimacy, we look to technology for ways to be in relationships and protect ourselves from them at the same time.” The problem with digital intimacy is that it is ultimately incomplete: “The ties we form through the Internet are not, in the end, the ties that bind. But they are the ties that preoccupy,” she writes. “We don’t want to intrude on each other, so instead we constantly intrude on each other, but not in ‘real time.’”&Sherry Turkle，麻省理工学院计算机文化学院教授，与1995年发表了关于电脑对人类生活的积极影响，在2011年出版了他的新书讲了网上世界对现实世界的影响，团体的孤独：“这些天，关系不稳定，隐私不安全，反过来又寄希望于科技来保护我们。” 数字虚拟世界的问题是他的不完整性：“我们在网络上的纽带，实际上，最终是不牢固的。但是这些纽带容易受到关注，”她说。“既然不喜欢打扰别人，那就相互打扰，只不过是在虚拟世界中。”Lanier and Turkle are right, at least in their diagnoses. Self-presentation on Facebook is continuous, intensely mediated, and possessed of a phony nonchalance that eliminates even the potential for spontaneity. (“Look how casually I threw up these three photos from the party at which I took 300 photos!”) Curating the exhibition of the self has become a 24/7 occupation. Perhaps not surprisingly, then, the Australian study “Who Uses Facebook?” found a significant correlation between Facebook use and narcissism: “Facebook users have higher levels of total narcissism, exhibitionism, and leadership than Facebook nonusers,” the study’s authors wrote. “In fact, it could be argued that Facebook specifically gratifies the narcissistic individual’s need to engage in self-promoting and superficial behavior.”&Lanier&和 Turkle 是对的，最起码分析正确。Facebook上充斥着自我展示，强大的载体和虚伪的冷漠，正在消除着自然性。（看看如何在300张图片中轻易的抛出3张照片！）主要是24/7 的策划包装。也许见怪不怪，澳大利亚研究“谁在用Facebook?”发现一个Facebook用户和自恋者之间的关联：“Facebook的用户比其它不使用的人大体上都偏向自恋狂，暴露狂和领导欲望，”该著作作者写道。“事实上，Facebook提供了自恋者喜好的展示自我做表面文章的平台。”Rising narcissism isn’t so much a trend as the trend behind all other trends. In preparation for the 2013 edition of its diagnostic manual, the psychiatric profession is currently struggling to update its definition of narcissistic personality disorder. Still, generally speaking, practitioners agree that narcissism manifests in patterns of fantastic grandiosity, craving for attention, and lack of empathy. In a 2008 survey, 35,000 American respondents were asked if they had ever had certain symptoms of narcissistic personality disorder. Among people older than 65, 3 percent reported symptoms. Among people in their 20s, the proportion was nearly 10 percent. Across all age groups, one in 16 Americans has experienced some symptoms of NPD. And loneliness and narcissism are intimately connected: a longitudinal study of Swedish women demonstrated a strong link between levels of narcissism in youth and levels of loneliness in old age. The connection is fundamental. Narcissism is the flip side of loneliness, and either condition is a fighting retreat from the messy reality of other people.&自恋行倾向和其它倾向相比，不是大问题。在为2013年诊断手册时，精神病专家正全力改进对于自恋型人格障碍的定义。一般来说，自恋是盲目自大，希望受到关注，缺乏移情。2008年调查，问到了3.5万美国人关于是否有自恋型人格障碍的疾病。大于65岁的老年人中，3%有此症状。20岁多的年轻人，比率约为10%。全部的年龄组，1/16的美国人有个自恋型人格障碍症。联系时实质的。自恋是孤独的另一种表现形式，或是另一个原理啊其它现实人群的条件。A considerable part of Facebook’s appeal stems from its miraculous fusion of distance with intimacy, or the illusion of distance with the illusion of intimacy. Our online communities become engines of self-image, and self-image becomes the engine of community. The real danger with Facebook is not that it allows us to isolate ourselves, but that by mixing our appetite for isolation with our vanity, it threatens to alter the very nature of solitude. The new isolation is not of the kind that Americans once idealized, the lonesomeness of the proudly nonconformist, independent-minded, solitary stoic, or that of the astronaut who blasts into new worlds. Facebook’s isolation is a grind. What’s truly staggering about Facebook usage is not its volume—750 million photographs uploaded over a single weekend—but the constancy of the performance it demands. More than half its users—and one of every 13 people on Earth is a Facebook user—log on every day. Among 18-to-34-year-olds, nearly half check Facebook minutes after waking up, and 28 percent do so before getting out of bed. The relentlessness is what is so new, so potentially transformative. Facebook never takes a break. We never take a break. Human beings have always created elaborate acts of self-presentation. But not all the time, not every morning, before we even pour a cup of coffee. Yvette Vickers’s computer was on when she died.&相当一部分对Facebook的投诉时关于他混淆了距离和亲密感，或是虚假的距离和虚假的亲密感。我们在线沟通成为自我展示的动力，而自我展示又成了沟通的动力。 Facebook 真正的危险不是让我们和别人隔离，而是把我们的虚荣心和孤立的欲望混淆，并要改变孤立的特征。性的隔离不是美国人想象的那样，骄傲的非国教徒，独立意识的禁欲派或是被发送到外太空的宇航员。Facebook的隔绝式痴迷。关于Facebook的用量不是主要问题---一周就有7.5亿张照片上传---主要的是是谁在做这些工作。一半以上的用户-1/13的地球人是Facebook用户--每天都写日志。在18-34岁之间，一半以上在醒后就查看Facebook，28%的人上床前查看 Facebook 。无情的是如此新的丰富的变化。Facebook从未停歇，我们也从未停歇。人类一直在精心策划这自我展示。但是不是所有时间，不是每个早晨，在我们倒咖啡前都有机会。 Yvette Vickers去世时电脑还在开机。Nostalgia for the good old days of disconnection would not just be pointless, it would be hypocritical and ungrateful. But the very magic of the new machines, the efficiency and elegance with which they serve us, obscures what isn’t being served: everything that matters. What Facebook has revealed about human nature—and this is not a minor revelation—is that a connection is not the same thing as a bond, and that instant and total connecti隔离过去好时光的回忆不仅是无意义的也是无情的伪善的。但是这个新设备的魔力，就是为我们优雅高效的提供所需，并模糊未给我们提供的：全都如此。 Facebook 揭露人类的本质---不是一面镜子---这种联系和胶水黏在一起不同，而是即时的全连接的。
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2004年英语专业毕业，一直从事英语相关领域工作。现为在职翻译。
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